Δείτε πού βρίσκουν τα χημικά όπλα που χρησιμοποιούν οι Τούρκοι εναντίον των Κούρδων – Το Μυστικό Πρόγραμμα Παραγωγής Βιοχημικών Όπλων της Τουρκίας Κωδικός «Κιτρική Βροχή»
Το εμπιστευτικό έγγραφο-διαταγή της Τουρκικής Διοίκησης Χερσαίων Δυνάμεων υπογεγραμμένη από τον Υποστράτηγο Νεσντέτ Οζτορούν (Maj.-Gen. Necdet Öztorun), που εξουσιοδοτεί χρήση χημικών όπλων σε εχθροπραξίες με το PKK.
Ομηρος Φωτιάδης
Στα τέλη Οκτωβρίου του 2006, κυκλοφόρησε στης ΗΠΑ το περιοδικό «Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy» (D&FA Strategic Policy), το οποίο πρωτοκυκλοφόρησε το 1972, και από το 1982 εκδίδεται από το μη κερδοσκοπικό ίδρυμα «The International Strategic Studies Organization» (ISSA) με έδρα την Washington DC. Το περιοδικό αυτό διακινείται μόνο με συνδρομές και συνήθως περιλαμβάνει επιλεγμένα άρθρα από πληροφορίες και αναλύσεις που δημοσιεύονται καθημερινά στην συνδρομητική ιστοσελίδα του Global Information System (GIS).
Το τεύχος του Οκτωβρίου 2006 της μηνιαίας επιθεώρησης D&FA Strategic Policy, περιείχε άρθρο το οποίο συνέταξε ομάδα Αμερικανών ερευνητών, με τον τίτλο «Τουρκία και PKK: Ετοιμασίες για τη Σύγκρουση» και περιελάμβανε στοιχεία για την χρήση απαγορευμένων χημικών όπλων εναντίων Κούρδων ανταρτών του PKK και αποκάλυπτε δεδομένα για τα μυστικά προγράμματα παραγωγής όπλων της Τουρκίας.
Αποδίδεται παρακάτω, σε μετάφραση από την Αγγλική γλώσσα, μέρος του άρθρου με τις καταγγελίες εναντίον της Τουρκίας.
«Το PKK έχει ανοίξει πολλά γραφεία στις περισσότερες πόλεις του βόρειου Ιράκ, ενώ πρόσφατα άνοιξε γραφείο στην Βαγδάτη, το οποίο λειτουργεί υπό την κάλυψη ενός πολιτισμικού οργανισμού.
Σύμφωνα με το περιοδικό, «Η Φωνή του Κουρδιστάν», τεύχος 89, Ιούνιος 2006, Ελληνική έκδοση, Αθήνα, με εκδότη τον Κούρδο Φαρούκ Σαρϊαλτην (Faruk Sarialtin), και μέλος του PKK, οι Τουρκικές Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις πραγματοποίησαν πρόσφατα 53 στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις κατά του PKK, ενώ σε μία από αυτές συνεργάστηκαν με το Ιράν. Το Ιράν έχει πραγματοποιήσει οκτώ επιχειρήσεις εναντίον του PKK μόνο του.
Κατά τη διάρκεια αυτών των επιχειρήσεων μεταξύ του Τουρκικού Στρατού και του PKK, 73 μάχες πραγματοποιήθηκαν• 25 στην περιοχή Μποτάν (Botan), 15 στο Αμέντ (Amed), πέντε στο Ντερσίμ (Dersim) και σε άλλες περιοχές. Το PKK ανταπέδωσε με 69 επιχειρήσεις. Κατά τη διάρκεια των συγκρούσεων ο Τουρκικός Στρατός είχε 165 απώλειες, μεταξύ των οποίων 144 ήταν στρατιώτες, επτά Αξιωματικοί και ένας Αντισυνταγματάρχης. Επίσης, 36 Ιρανοί στρατιώτες και 43 αντάρτες του PKK σκοτώθηκαν.
Σύμφωνα με ασφαλείς πληροφορίες, το επιχειρησιακό κέντρο των Τουρκικών Δυνάμεων για την εισβολή τους στο Νότιο Κουρδιστάν (Βόρειο Ιράκ) κατασκευάστηκε στην οροσειρά του Γκαμπάρ (Gabar) στην επαρχία Σιρνάκ (Şırnak). Οι κατασκευές έγιναν με μεγάλη ταχύτητα και δύο σταθμοί διοικήσεως έχουνε τοποθετηθεί σε στρατιωτικά κοντέϊνερς. Ο Τούρκος Στρατηγός Εργκούν Σαϊγκούν (Ergun Saigun), επισκέπτεται συχνά το στρατόπεδο και είναι ο Επιχειρησιακός Επιτελάρχης. Είχε μάλιστα και την υποστήριξη του (τότε) Διοικητή των Τουρκικών Χερσαίων Δυνάμεων, Στρατηγού Μεχμέτ Γιασάρ Μπουγιουκανίτ (Gen. Mehmet Yaşar Büyükanıt), ο οποίος και διευθύνει απευθείας τις επιχειρήσεις. [Ο Στρατηγός Μπουγιουκανίτ είναι πλέον Αρχηγός του Τουρκικού Γενικού Επιτελείου]. Η απόφαση για τη δημιουργία αυτής της διοίκησης πάρθηκε στις 25 Φεβρουαρίου 2006 κατά τη συνεδρία του Τουρκικού Συμβουλίου Εθνικής Ασφαλείας (MGK: Milli Güvenlik Kurulu). Στις 28 Μαρτίου 2006, ο Τούρκος Πρωθυπουργός Ρασέπ Ταγίπ Ερντογκάν (Recep Tayyip Erdoğan) είχε μυστική συνάντηση με τον Στρατηγό Μπουγιουκανίτ, όπου και αποφάσισαν την στρατηγική του ολοκληρωτικού πολέμου κατά του PKK. Την ίδια ημέρα ο Ερντογκάν συμμετείχε σε στρατιωτική άσκηση στην πόλη, Καρς (Kars) στη νοτιοανατολική Τουρκία, φορώντας στρατιωτική στολή με σκοπό την ενθάρρυνση των στρατιωτών.
Στις 28 Μαρτίου 2006, οι Τουρκικές Δυνάμεις σκότωσαν 14 αντάρτες του PKK χρησιμοποιώντας χημικά όπλα, στην περιοχή Σονγκαϊλα (Songaila) στην επαρχία Μούς (Muş) της ανατολικής Τουρκίας. Το περιστατικό επιβεβαιώθηκε από το Κουρδικό περιοδικό «Η Φωνή του Κουρδιστάν», το οποίο και κατέδειξε τους 14 μαχητές του PKK που πιστεύετε ότι σκοτώθηκαν με χημικά όπλα, στις 28 Μαρτίου 2006.
Το γεγονός ότι οι Τουρκικές Δυνάμεις Ασφαλείας χρησιμοποιούν χημικά όπλα, παραβιάζοντας διεθνείς συνθήκες (όπως τη Συνθήκη Χημικών όπλων – Τhe Chemical Weapons Convention [CWC] – την οποία η Τουρκία επικύρωσε στις 12 Μαΐου 1997), εντείνει την κρίση με τους Κούρδους του PKK.
Είναι σημαντικό να σημειώσουμε ότι η Τουρκία δεν είναι μέλος της «Αυστραλιανής Ομάδας». Η Αυστραλιανή Ομάδα δημιουργήθηκε το 1984 από την Αυστραλία και είναι μια ανεπίσημη και εθελοντική κοινοπραξία (22 στο σύνολο). Δεν υπάρχει καταστατικός χάρτης γιατί η ομάδα δουλεύει συναινετικά. Η ίδρυση της ήταν αποτέλεσμα της χρήσης χημικών όπλων στον πόλεμο Ιράκ-Ιράν. Σκοπός της ομάδας είναι ο περιορισμός της διάδοσης χημικών και βιολογικών όπλων. Ετήσιες συναντήσεις των μελών πραγματοποιούνται, όπου και μοιράζονται πληροφορίες για τους κινδύνους της διάδοσης χημικών και βιολογικών όπλων, καθώς επίσης φροντίζουν για τον εθνικό έλεγχο εξαγωγών σε μια προσπάθεια να σταματήσουν την μεταφορά υλικών που μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν για την κατασκευή χημικών ή/και βιολογικών όπλων. Η ομάδα έχει δημιουργήσει λίστες για τα υλικά των οποίων η εξαγωγή πρέπει να ελέγχετε, καθώς επίσης και «προειδοποιητικές» λίστες με υλικά, η αγορά των οποίων αποτελεί ένδειξη δραστηριοτήτων διάδοσης χημικών και βιολογικών όπλων.
Από το 1993 η Αυστραλιανή Ομάδα έχει εκδώσει πληροφορίες ότι η Τουρκία παράγει δύο βιολογικές ουσίες και άλλες δύο ουσίες για την παραγωγή βιοχημικών όπλων. Απόδειξη των παραπάνω αποτελεί το μυστικό πρόγραμμα του Τουρκικού Γενικού Επιτελείου, στο οποίο και αναφέρεται ότι «Η Τουρκία πρέπει να αποκτήσει λόγω απειλών που δέχεται από γειτονικά κράτη, πολλαπλασιαστές δύναμης, οι οποίοι επιτρέπουν την εγκατάσταση πυρηνικών, βιολογικών και χημικών όπλων σε πυραύλους».
Νωρίτερα, στις 25 Φεβρουαρίου 1986, το Τουρκικό Γενικό Επιτελείο είχε διατάξει με εμπιστευτική οδηγία υπογεγραμμένη από τον Υποστράτηγο Νεσντέτ Οζτοράν (Maj.-Gen. Necdet Öztorun), διοικητή του Τουρκικού Στρατού από το 1987, την χρήση χημικών όπλων σε εχθροπραξίες με το PKK.
Στις 23 Ιουλίου 1989, η Τουρκική εφημερίδα «Ikibine Dorga», αποκάλυψε την ύπαρξη μυστικής οδηγίας ασφαλείας για την χρήση χημικών και βιολογικών όπλων κατά των Κούρδων μαχητών. Ο Κούρδος καθηγητής Σελαντέτ Τσελικέρ (Celadet Celiker) είχε συγκεντρώσει πληροφορίες για την παραγωγή χημικών και βιολογικών όπλων σε μυστικά εργαστήρια του Τουρκικού Στρατού. Το 1992, ο Κούρδος καθηγητής παρέδωσε τις πληροφορίες που είχε σε Ευρωπαϊκή χώρα, η οποία προσθέτοντας και τις δικές της πληροφορίες, παρέδωσε το σύνολο αυτών μετά ένα χρόνο στην Αυστραλιανή Ομάδα. Αργότερα, ο Καθηγητής Τσελικέρ έγινε στόχος παραστρατιωτικών δυνάμεων της Τουρκικής Μυστικής Υπηρεσίας MIT (MIT: Turkish National Intelligence Organization), με προσπάθειες κατά της ζωής του. Ο Καθηγητής απέδρασε στην Ευρώπη, ενώ πρόσφατα εγκαταστάθηκε στο Βόρειο Ιράκ.
Ο Υποστράτηγος Νεσντέτ Οζτοράν ήτανε για κάποιο διάστημα ο διοικητής του μυστικού βιοχημικού προγράμματος της Τουρκίας. Μετά την αποστράτευση του δίδαξε στο Πανεπιστήμιο «FMV Isik» (Feyiye Mektepleri Vakfı – Işık Üniversitesi) στην Κωνσταντινούπολη.
Επιβεβαιωμένες πληροφορίες για την χρήση χημικών όπλων κατά των Κούρδων ανταρτών προέκυψαν στης 11 Μάιου 1999. Η χρήση χημικών όπλων πραγματοποιήθηκε στην περιοχή Μπαλικαγια (Ballikaya) νοτιοανατολικά της πόλης Σιρνάκ (Şırnak), στην επαρχία Σιρνάκ. Οι Τουρκικές Δυνάμεις εκτόξευσαν πυρά όλμων τα οποία περιείχαν χημικές ουσίες, κατά Κούρδων του PKK. Κούρδοι μαχητές συνέλεξαν θραύσματα από τους όλμους όταν επέστρεψαν στην περιοχή και έπειτα τα παρέδωσαν για ανάλυση σε Ευρωπαϊκή χώρα. Τα θραύσματα αναλύθηκαν από το Ινστιτούτο Ιατροδικαστικής Επιστήμης του Πανεπιστημίου του Μονάχου, στη Γερμανία. Κατά την επίθεση 22 Κούρδοι μαχητές σκοτώθηκαν.
Στις 27 Οκτωβρίου 1999, το Γερμανικό τηλεοπτικό κανάλι ZDF, μετέδωσε στην εκπομπή «Kennzeichen D» τις πληροφορίες για τα θραύσματα και ανακοίνωσε ότι το Ινστιτούτο του Μονάχου ανίχνευσε απαγορευμένες χημικές ουσίες, οι οποίες είναι παράγωγα και συστατικά του χημικού τύπου RP707. Το κανάλι ZDF αποκάλυψε ότι οι απαγορευμένες χημικές ουσίες για στρατιωτική χρήση είχαν εξαχθεί από την Γερμανική εταιρεία Buck, στην Τουρκία από το 1995 (Πρακτορείο Ειδήσεων DDP, Βερολίνο, 26 Οκτωβρίου 1999).
Τα τελευταία 15 χρόνια υπήρξαν πολλές εκθέσεις αναφερόμενες στη χρήση χημικών και βιολογικών όπλων κατά των Κούρδων μαχητών, ενώ η απόδειξη αυτών είναι δύσκολο να πραγματοποιηθεί. Στις 23 Ιανουαρίου 1990 η εφημερίδα «Cyprus Mail» ανέφερε ότι από το Φεβρουάριο του 1988 ο Τουρκικός Στρατός σκότωσε 30 Κούρδους μαχητές με τη χρήση χημικών όπλων στην περιοχή Μπακοκ (Bakok). Επίσης, η εφημερίδα «Baltimore Sun» ανέφερε στις 4 Σεπτεμβρίου 1991 ότι έγινε χρήση χημικών όπλων κατά Κούρδων μαχητών τον Ιούνιο του 1991 στην περιοχή Μπινγκιολ (Bingöl), κοντά στην επαρχία Γκεντς (Genç), στην περιφέρεια του Μπινγκιόλ. Ο Σύλλογος Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων (Human Rights Association) ανέφερε στις 6 Ιουλίου 2001 τον θάνατο 20 Κούρδων αυτονομιστών από χημικά όπλα στο Ελμαλι (Elmali) στην επαρχία Γιεντισου (Yedisu), στην περιφέρεια του Μπίνγκιολ.
Σε κάποια παράγραφο του αποκαλυπτικού άρθρου, γινόταν αναφορά για «ανεπιβεβαίωτες πληροφορίες και φήμες» οι οποίες φέρουν τους Τούρκους να χρησιμοποίησαν ως πειραματόζωα Ελληνοκύπριους αιχμαλώτους που απήγαγαν και μετέφεραν στην Τουρκία το 1974. Οι συντάκτες του κειμένου κάνουν αναφορά ότι οι φήμες αυτές προέρχονται από τον δολοφονηθέντα στις 20 Μαρτίου 1994, Ελληνοκύπριο αγωνιστή, Θεόφιλο Γεωργιάδη.
Αποδίδεται παρακάτω, σε μετάφραση από την Αγγλική γλώσσα, μέρος του άρθρου με τις καταγγελίες εναντίον της Τουρκίας.
«Πολλές αναφορές, οι οποίες καταγγέλθηκαν από Κούρδους αλλά και Τούρκους, έκαναν λόγο και για τους αγνοούμενους της Κύπρου. Συγκεκριμένα, αναφέρθηκε ότι από το 1984 έως και το 1988, αγνοούμενοι Ελληνοκύπριοι και Έλληνες στρατιώτες αιχμάλωτοι της εισβολής του 1974 κατέληξαν σε μυστικά βιοχημικά εργαστήρια του Τουρκικού Στρατού και χρησιμοποιήθηκαν ως πειραματόζωα. Οι αναφορές αυτές δεν επιβεβαιώθηκαν ποτέ. Ο Ελληνοκύπριος μαχητής και φίλος προς τον Κουρδικό λαό, Θεόφιλος Γεωργιάδης, δολοφονήθηκε από την Τουρκική ΜΙΤ στις 20 Μαρτίου του 1994, στης 10:00 το πρωί, έξω από την οικία του. Ο Γεωργιάδης ήταν υπολοχαγός καταδρομέας της Κυπριακής Εθνοφρουράς. Είχε ειδίκευση σε Τουρκικά θέματα και στις πολιτικές επιστήμες με σπουδές στην Γαλλία και Γερμανία. Είχε μεταφερθεί στο Γραφείο Εθνικής Ασφάλειας της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας, στο τμήμα Τουρκίας. Το 1986 υπηρέτησε στο Γραφείο Τύπου της Δημοκρατίας της Κύπρου. Στις 12 και 13 Μαρτίου 1994, σε ένα διεθνές συνέδριο που έγινε στης Βρυξέλλες, ο Γεωργιάδης αποκάλυψε πληροφορίες για τις μεθόδους που χρησιμοποίησαν οι Τούρκοι για να καταπνίξουν το Κουρδικό πρόβλημα, αλλά και τη βιαιότητα κατά των Ελληνοκύπριων αιχμαλώτων. Οι κατηγορίες του προκάλεσαν μεγάλες αντιδράσεις στην Τουρκία. Αφού επέστρεψε στην Κύπρο, ο Γεωργιάδης δολοφονήθηκε στην αυλή της οικίας του, με πυροβολισμούς από «αγνώστους». Φημολογήθηκε ότι είχε πληροφορίες για τους αγνοούμενους Ελληνοκυπρίους και ότι είχε έρθει σε επαφή με Κούρδους του PKK, οι οποίοι είχαν αποδράσει από ένα μυστικό βιοχημικό εργαστήριο του Τουρκικού Στρατού, έξω από την Άγκυρα και το οποίο λειτουργούσε υπό την επίβλεψη της Τουρκικής Στρατιωτικής Ιατρικής Ακαδημίας – Gulhane Military Medical Academy (GMMA). Αυτοί οι Κούρδοι, σύμφωνα με ανεπιβεβαίωτες πληροφορίες και φήμες, είχαν μαρτυρήσει ότι πραγματοποιήθηκαν βιοχημικά πειράματα σε Ελληνοκύπριους και Έλληνες αιχμαλώτους.»
Η παράγραφος αυτή πυροδότησε πλήθος δημοσιευμάτων στα Κυπριακά και Ελληνικά ΜΜΕ. Εκατοντάδες δημοσιεύσεις και αναφορές για το θέμα υπήρξαν διεθνώς. Ο Τουρκικός Τύπος, στο σύνολό του, ασχολήθηκε πάρα πολύ με το περιεχόμενο του άρθρου, καλώντας το Τουρκικό Γενικό Επιτελείο Στρατού να λάβει θέση απέναντι στις καταγγελίες του Αμερικανικού περιοδικού. Παρά τις τεράστιες πιέσεις των Τούρκων δημοσιογράφων και το πλήθος των δημοσιευμάτων του Τουρκικού τύπου, ο Τουρκικός Στρατός, δεν έκανε καμία ανακοίνωση, ούτε προέβη σε καμία διάψευση των καταγγελιών εναντίων του. Η στάση αυτή του Τουρκικού Στρατού, από πολλούς ερμηνεύθηκε ως μια σιωπηρή αποδοχή των καταγγελιών και ως φόβος για πιθανή μελλοντική δημοσιοποίηση και άλλων στοιχείων εις βάρος του, τα οποία θα εκθέτανε ανεπανόρθωτα την Τουρκία, έτσι και προχωρούσε σε διάψευση των καταγγελιών του D&FA Strategic Policy.
Την ίδια ώρα ο εκδότης του περιοδικού D&FA Strategic Policy, κ. Κόπλεϊ (Mr. Gregory Copley), στις 24 Οκτωβρίου 2006, σε συνέντευξη του στον δημοσιογράφο Λάμπρο Παπαντωνίου που δημοσιεύθηκε στον «Ελεύθερο Τύπο», με τίτλο «Τούρκοι μας έδωσαν τις πληροφορίες», δηλώνει ότι οι πληροφορίες αυτές «προέρχονται από ανθρώπινες πηγές, σχετιζόμενες με υπηρεσίες πληροφοριών που βρίσκονται μέσα στην Τουρκία, (it’s coming from human intelligente sources inside Turkey!) », δημιουργώντας μεγάλο σοκ στους Τούρκους, οι οποίοι και πάλι τηρούν σιγή ιχθύος!
Στην Κύπρο το θέμα είχε λάβει τεράστιες διαστάσεις και έτυχε ανάλογης πολιτικής εκμετάλλευσης από κύκλους οι οποίοι αντιπολιτεύονται τον Κύπριο Πρόεδρο Τάσο Παπαδόπουλο, κάνοντας μάλιστα και σχόλια ότι ο εκδότης του D&FA Strategic Policy, είναι «πράκτορας» του Κύπριου Προέδρου και «πληρώθηκε» για το δημοσίευμα. Οι χαρακτηρισμοί αυτοί προκάλεσαν πλήθος αντιδράσεων, καθώς οι επικριτές του Κυπρίου Προέδρου, φέρονται μεταξύ αυτών που υποστήριζαν το ΝΑΙ στο Σχέδιο «Ανάν».
Το αξιοπερίεργο στην όλη υπόθεση, είναι ότι το άρθρο αυτό στο σύνολό του, αναφέρεται στην διαμάχη μεταξύ Τούρκων και Κούρδων. Η αναφορά στους Ελληνοκυπρίους αιχμαλώτους, είναι πολύ μικρή και μάλιστα παραπέμπει σε «ανεπιβεβαίωτες φήμες και πληροφορίες». Γιατί άραγε να προκλήθηκε τόσος σάλος;
Στις 5 Νοεμβρίου 2006, η εφημερίδα «Το Παρόν», στην σελίδα 24, δημοσιεύει ολοσέλιδό άρθρο με τον τίτλο «Απολογητές και Συνήγοροι της Άγκυρας στον Ελληνικό Τύπο», κάνοντας λόγο για προσπάθεια απαξίωσης του εκδότη του περιοδικού D&FA Strategic Policy, από Έλληνες και Κύπριους δημοσιογράφους, με σκοπό την υπεράσπιση της Άγκυρα κλπ.
Οι θιασώτες της «Ελληνοτουρκικής φιλίας» τρομοκρατήθηκαν στο ενδεχόμενο «Ελληνικής εμπλοκής» στις καταγγελίες εναντίων της Τουρκίας, μιας και πλησίαζε ο Δεκέμβριος του 2006, και η Τουρκία θα κρινόταν εάν θα λάμβανε εντολή ή όχι, για την έναρξη των ενταξιακών διαπραγματεύσεων με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ).
Οι καταγγελίες αυτές πιθανόν, να κλόνιζαν τις θετικές προοπτικές για την Τουρκία και το αίτημά της για είσοδο στην ΕΕ. Αίτημα το οποίο με κάθε μέσο και τρόπο υποστηρίζει η Ελλάδα στους διεθνείς φορείς και οργανισμούς. Οι πολιτικές αντιπαραθέσεις, οι δημοσιογραφικές διαμάχες και αντεγκλήσεις για τις «ανεπιβεβαίωτες φήμες» πήραν τεράστιες διαστάσεις και ουδείς ασχολήθηκε με τις σοβαρές καταγγελίες του άρθρου για τη χρήση χημικών όπλων εναντίων των Κούρδων!
Η Τουρκία σιώπησε εντελώς, αφήνοντας τις Ελληνικές εμπάθειες, να την υπερασπίσουν και να αποπροσανατολίσουν το κοινό, από το να ασχοληθεί με τις σοβαρές καταγγελίες, τις οποίες δεν τόλμησε μέχρι σήμερα να διαψεύσει.
Δύο αναφορές για το θέμα πέρασαν απαρατήρητες και θα ήταν πολύ χρήσιμο να αναφερθούν, καθώς προκαλούν έντονο προβληματισμό και ερωτηματικά…
1. Σε συνέντευξη Τύπου του Κυβερνητικού Εκπροσώπου της Κύπρου, κ. Χ. Πασιαρδή στις 23 Οκτωβρίου 2006, ο Κύπριος δημοσιογράφος κ. Πομηλορίδης, χαρακτηριστικά ρώτησε τον κ. Πασιαρδή «Οι πληροφορίες είναι ότι ο αείμνηστος Θεόφιλος Γεωργιάδης είχε ενημερώσει την Κυβέρνηση, τότε. Δηλαδή μιλάμε ότι υπήρχαν αγνοούμενοι ζωντανοί οι οποίοι υποβάλλονταν σε τέτοιου είδους πειράματα. Αυτό δήλωσε και ο πατέρας του Θεόφιλου Γεωργιάδη, ο οποίος γνώριζε τις κινήσεις του γιου του». Οι «ανεπιβεβαίωτες φήμες» του D&FA Strategic Policy, μήπως επιβεβαιώνονται;
[Η συνέντευξη είναι διαθέσιμη στην ιστοσελίδα του Γραφείου Τύπου και Πληροφοριών της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας, “Συνάντηση του Υφυπουργού παρά τω Προέδρω και Κυβερνητικού Εκπροσώπου κ. Χριστόδουλου Πασιαρδή με τους δημοσιογράφους”, 23/10/2006, URL: http://www.moi.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/3BBFF62A74EE87F3C2257210003EFA2F?OpenDocument]
2. Στην πρωινή εκπομπή του Κυπρίου δημοσιογράφου Λάζαρου Μαύρου, στο «Ράδιο Πρώτο» στις 25 Οκτωβρίου 2006, φιλοξενούμενος ήταν ο κ. Μητσόπουλος, Βουλευτής του ΔΗΣΥ. Ο κ. Μητσόπουλος διετέλεσε σύμβουλος στο Ελληνικό Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών για τα θέματα της Κύπρου την δεκαετία του ’80. Μεταξύ άλλων ο Κύπριος Βουλευτής ανέφερε: «Οι μόνοι που γνώριζαν για αυτές τις πληροφορίες και είχαν αποδείξεις και στοιχεία ήταν ο Θεόφιλος Γεωργιάδης και ο Πρόεδρος του Συνδέσμου Συγγενών Αγνοούμενων Ελλαδιτών. Το Τέλος του Θεόφιλου το γνωρίζουμε. Εκείνο που με ξάφνιασε ήταν η πληροφορία ότι τον Πρόεδρο του Συνδέσμου Ελλαδιτών, τον δολοφόνησαν και ο θάνατός του δεν εξιχνιάστηκε ποτέ. Αυτός διατηρούσε αρχείο με στοιχεία στο γραφείο του. Το ίδιο βράδυ της δολοφονίας του, το γραφείο του παραβιάστηκε και εξαφανίστηκαν όλα τα έγγραφα»!!! [Τα σχόλια είναι διαθέσιμα στην ιστοσελίδα: http://www.skorpialogia.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=193&Itemid=2] Τόσο σοβαρές αποκαλύψεις από έναν Βουλευτή και τέως σύμβουλο του Ελληνικού Υπ. Εξωτερικών, προκαλούν δικαίως πλήθος ερωτηματικά… όχι για τις καταγγελίες, αλλά για τους δημοσιογράφους-επικριτές και υποστηρικτές της Άγκυρας και τα κίνητρά τους!
Για την ιστορία, όταν «συνελήφθη» (παραδόθηκε από εμάς χάρη της Ελληνοτουρκικής φιλίας) ο Αμπντουλάχ Οτσαλάν (Abdullah Öcalan), έφερε Κυπριακό διαβατήριο με το όνομα, Λάζαρος Μαύρος.
«Πράκτορας» του Τ. Παπαδόπουλου, λοιπόν ο εκδότης του Αμερικανικού περιοδικού D&FA Strategic Policy! Εμείς προσθέτουμε και των Κούρδων!!!
Πληρωμένοι πράκτορες, είναι όσοι καταγγέλλουν την Τουρκία, για τους θιασώτες της Ελληνοτουρκικής φιλίας, του Σχεδίου «Ανάν» και του αγώνα της ανεξαρτησίας των Κούρδων!
Στα παραπάνω ήρθαν να προστεθούν και δημοσιεύματα, ότι κατά το δικαστήριο του Σαντάμ Χουσεΐν (Saddam Hussein) και των συνεργατών του, για το θάνατο 182 χιλιάδων Κούρδων το 1987 και 1988 με χημικά όπλα, παρουσιάστηκαν πλήθος στοιχεία και δεκάδες φάκελοι του Ιρακινού Στρατού, όπου αναφέρουν πλήρη εμπλοκή της Τουρκίας στην αποστολή χημικών όπλων και ουσιών, προς τον Σ. Χουσεΐν, για την εξόντωση των χιλιάδων αθώων Κούρδων χωρικών!
[Περισσότερες πληροφορίες διαθέσιμες στα άρθρα: Kurdish info,” Secret evidence at Saddam trial”, 21/12/2006, URL: http://www.kurdishinfo.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=5298, και KurdishMedia, “Saddam directly involved in gas attack, prosecutor says”, 19/12/2006, URL: http://www.kurdmedia.com/printarticles.asp?id=13772]
Πρόσφατα είδαν και πάλι το φως της δημοσιότητας πληροφορίες για το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα της Τουρκίας. Εάν σε αυτές προσθέσουμε και τις καταγγελίες του D&FA Strategic Policy, σαν Έλληνες και γείτονες της Τουρκίας θα πρέπει να ανησυχούμε σοβαρά για το μέλλον μας.
Το άρθρο δημοσιεύθηκε στο περιοδικό “διπλωματία” το έτος 2007
Ακολουθεί το άρθρο που δημοσιεύθηκε στο αμερικανικό περιοδικό
Founded in 1972. Formerly Defense & Foreign
Affairs Daily.
Report: Turkey and the Partiya
Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK): Preparations for the Confrontation
Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK): Preparations for
the Confrontation
By GIS South-East Europe Station. The Partiya
Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK: Kurdistan Workers’ Party) has founded many offices
in most cities of northern Iraq,
while they have recently opened an office in Baghdad, operating there under the cover of a
cultural organization.
to the magazine, The Voice of Kurdistan, issue number 89, of June 2006,
which is written in Greek and printed in Athens-Greece by a Kurd, Faruk
Sarialtin, a member of PKK, the Turkish Armed Forces had recently conducted 53
military operations against the PKK plus one in cooperation with Iran. Iran itself had
conducted eight separate operations against PKK.
these operations, 25 held in Botan, 15 in Amed, five in Dersim and other areas,
between the Turkish Army and PKK, 73 battles realized. PKK responded with 69
reprisal operations. During the combat the Turkish army had 165 casualties,
among them 144 soldiers, seven army officers, and one lieutenant colonel. Also,
36 Iranian soldiers and 43 PKK rebels were killed.
to a secure source, the operations command camp for the Turkish forces to
invade into southern Kurdistan (northern Iraq) was
constructed in the mountain range area of Gabar in the Şırnak Province.
The constructions are been held speediness and two company commands have been
stationed in military containers. Turkish General Ergun Saigun frequently
visits the camp and he is the operation’s Chief of Staff. He has been
accompanied by Gen. Mehmet Yaşar Büyükanıt,1
the (then) commander of the Turkish Land Forces, who also directly commanded
the operations. [Gen. Büyükanıt was recently promoted to Chief of the General
Staff.] The decision for the foundation of this command was taken on February
25, 2006, during the meeting of the Turkish National Security Council2
(Turkish NSC, in Turkish: Milli Güvenlik Kurulu-MGK). On March 28, 2006, Turkish
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan met in secret with Gen. Büyükanıt and
decided on the strategy of total war against PKK. On the same date, PM Erdoğan
participated on a military exercise in the city of Kars (northeast Turkey) and he was dressed with
military uniform (field dress) in order to encourage the soldiers.
same date, March 28, 2006,
Turkish forces killed 14 PKK rebels using chemical weapons in the Songaila area
in the Muş3
province (eastern Turkey).
The event was confirmed by the Kurdish magazine, The Voice of Kurdistan,4
which showed 14 PKK fighters who were believed to have been killed by chemical
weapons on March 28, 2006.
that the Turkish Security Forces reportedly used chemical weapons, violating
international conventions (ie: the Chemical Weapons Convention5
[CWC]), altered the crisis with the Kurds of the PKK.
member of the “Australia Group”.6
The Australia Group was formed in 1984 by Australia and is an informal and voluntary
consortium of nations (22 in number); with no formal charter or constitution;
the Australia Group works by consensus. It was founded as a result of chemical
weapons use in the Iran-Iraq War. Its goal is the limitation of chemical and
biological weapons proliferation. Members meet annually to share information
about proliferation dangers and to harmonize national export controls in an
effort to curb the transfer of materials or equipment that could be used in the
creation of chemical or biological weapons. The group has created lists of both
items whose export should be controlled, as well as “warning” lists of items
whose purchase could be indicative of proliferation activities.
1993, the Australian Group has produced information that Turkey produces
two biological agents and two additional agents for the production of
biochemical weapons. A confidential program of the Turkish General Staff (Genelkurmay
Başkanları – TAF) reports that “Turkey must acquire, due to threats
from neighbor countries, Force multipliers, that allow the installation of
nuclear, biological and chemical weapons into missiles”.
earlier confidential directive of the Turkish General Staff signed by Maj.-Gen.
Necdet Öztorun, commander of the Turkish Army as of late 1987, orders and
directions were given for the use of chemical weapons during confrontations
with PKK. The directive was dated February 25, 1986.
newspaper, Ikibine Dorga, revealed the existence of a secret security
directive for the use of chemical and biological weapons against Kurdish
fighters. Kurdish medical professor Celadet Celiker had harvested information
for the production of chemical and biological weapons in secret laboratories of
the Turkish Army. In 1992, the Kurdish professor provided the information he
had to a European country; the latter added its own information and one year
later gave the information to the Australian Group. Later, Prof. Celiker became
the target of the paramilitary forces of the Turkish National Intelligence
Organization (Milli İstihbarat Teşkilatı – MİT) which made several
attempts on his life. Prof. Celiker escaped to Europe
and was recently stationed to northern Iraq.
Necdet Öztorun was, for a while, the commander/foremost of the secret
biochemical weapons program of Turkey.
After his retirement, Öztorun began teaching in the FMV Isik University (Feyiye Mektepleri Vakfı –
Işık Üniversitesi).7
use of chemical weapons against Kurdish rebels occurred on May 11, 1999, in the area of
Ballikaya south-east of Şırnak town in Şırnak Province.
The Turkish forces fired mortar rounds which contained chemical substances
against PKK Kurds. Shrapnel from the mortar rounds were collected by Kurdish
fighters who returned later to the area and these were delivered for analysis
to a European country. The shrapnel were analyzed by the Institute of Forensic
Medicine at the University of Munich, Germany.
German TV channel ZDF, in its TV show “Kennzeichen D”, broadcast the
information and reported that the Munich Institute identified forbidden
chemical substances, which were derivatives and compounds of the chemical type
RP707. ZDF revealed that this forbidden chemical substance for military use was
exported by the German company, Buck, to Turkey from 1995 onwards (DDP news
agency, Berlin, October 26, 1999). Twenty Kurdish fighters were killed during
this assault.
15 years, there were many reports of the use of chemical and biological weapons
against Kurdish fighters; however these have been difficult to verify. On January 23, 1990, the
newspaper, The Cyprus Mail, reported that the Turkish Army in February
1988, in the area of Bakok, killed 30 Kurdish fighters with chemical weapons.
Also, The Baltimore Sun newspaper reported on September 4, 1991, that chemical weapons were
used against Kurds in June 1991 in the area of Bingöl near Genç district of the
Bingöl Province. The Human Rights Association
referred on July 6, 2001,
to the death of 20 separatist Kurds from chemical weapons in the area of Elmali
in the Yedisu district of Bingöl Province.
many references — denounced mostly by Kurds but also Turks — that during
1984-1988 many missing Greek-Cypriots and Greek soldiers captured during the
Turkish invasion in Cyprus
in 1974 ended in the secret biochemical laboratories of the Turkish army and
were used as guinea pigs. However, such references have not been confirmed or
verified. The Kurdish-friendly Greek-Cypriot fighter, Theophilos Georgiadis,
was assassinated by the Turkish MİT on March 20, 1994, at 10:00
hrs outside his house. Georgiadis was lieutenant in the rangers of the Cypriot
National Guard. He specialized in Turkic issues and political science with
studies made in France
and Germany.
He was transferred to the Cypriot National Security office, in the department
focusing on Turkey.
In 1986 he served in the Press and Information office (PIO) of the Republic of Cyprus. On March 12 and 13, 1994, on an
international conference held in Brussels, Georgiadis revealed data on Turkey’s
methods for the suppression of the Kurdish problem and the brutishness against
Greek-Cypriots missing people. His accusations brought a substantial reaction
in Turkey.
After he returned to Cyprus,
he was killed in the yard of his house from gun shots by “unknown” people. It
was rumored that he had information for the missing Greek-Cypriots and he was
in contact with PKK Kurds who had managed to escape from a secret biochemical
laboratory of the Turkish Army outside of Ankara
and which operated under the supervision of the Gulhane Military Medical
Academy (GMMA).8
These Kurds had witnessed the conduct of biochemical experiments into Greeks
and Greek-Cypriot captives.
same time and according to the Greek Cypriot newspaper, Politis, in
August 2006, the Under Sec. to the Cypriot President, Mr Christodoulos
Pasiardis, expressed his regrets because the Turkish Cypriot leader, Mehmet Ali
Talat, repeated on an interview in the Turkish media that Greek Cypriots
supported the PKK. Specifically, Mr Talat alleged that he presented to the Greek
Cypriots evidence through the United Nations (UN) to support his arguments.
However, Under-Sec. Pasiardis said that the UN never delivered such evidence to
the Greek Cypriot Government and had falsified Talats’ arguments on the support
of the Greek-Cypriots for the PKK.
well-known member of the PKK and member of the Executive Council of the
Kurdistan Democratic Confederation (Koma Komalên Kurdistan – KKK), Cemil
Bayik, stated in an interview in The Voice of Kurdistan, issue number
89, of June 2006, the following (free translation from Greek): “Last February
(2006), a cooperation agreement was signed between Iran and Turkey. The
agreement includes mainly PKK, but in substance it contains the Kurdish
independence movement.” In the same magazine, Bahoz Erdal, commander of the
People’s Defense Forces (HPG) of PKK, stated regarding the possible invasion of
the Turkish Army in northern Iraq
that “we are prepared to confront the military forces of Turkey along
the borders of southern Kurdistan (northern Iraq) and Turkey will
experience a Waterloo”.
“From a military point of view even though Turkey conducts big scale
operations against our forces in northern Kurdistan
(south-east Turkey)
they don’t reach the desired level of results. In southern Kurdistan
(northern Iraq)
that we are better organized and we have good infrastructure and our rebel
forces are deep and width, not only [Turkey] will see no results but
they will meet debacle”.
stressed that “it is not fortuitous event that Iran conducts operations against
rebels using tens of thousands of soldiers and at the same time the Turkish
state accumulates tens of thousands of soldiers in the area”.
party was founded in Iran
called “PEJAK” (the Party for a Free Life in Iranian Kurdistan). PEJAK is a
subdivision of PKK in Iran.
The director of PEJAK is Haji Ahmadi and he is self-exiled in Europe.
A few days before he returned to the mountains of Kurdistan
he stated in an interview in the Greek newspaper, Eleftherotypia, (June 25, 2006) the
following:
fighters?
sharing the same massif. We support each other.
struggle?
our struggle.
organization. Why?
sink a ship or conducted an air piracy? When PKK did killed women, children or
US soldiers?
acquiescence from Iraqi soil?
able to attack PKK because it is a big force in the area.
want without us. We are a ‘force’ the US cannot ignore.
Washington Times on April
3, 2006, in an article by James Brandon, complimented the “secular
character” and “western oriented” approach of PEJAK. On April 15, 2006, The Economist
alleged, according to strong Iranian and Turkish sources, that the organization
had been supplied by the US.
While The Washington Times reporter visited PEJAK bases, he said that he
did not note any “US
presence in money or weapons”. Due to The Economist article, US Congressman
Dennis J. Kucinich (OH), sent a letter to US Pres. George W. Bush, requesting
information regarding the US
forces in Iraq
links with PEJAK activities.
Ahmadi also discussed on the operations of his organization in “Eastern Kurdistan”. Cemil Bayik of PKK referred to the
operations of the organization in “southern Kurdistan”
and “northern Kurdistan”. While Syrian Kurds
friendly to PKK refer to “western Kurdistan”.
Hence, it was concluded that PKK had been dispersed rapidly and increased its
forces speedily in Iran
and Syria
also. The armed operations appeared to have shown exponential growth, while
their operations in south-eastern Turkey were characterized more
dynamic despite the presence of 265,000 Turkish troops in the area.
PKK operations have reported increases in Europe
where hundreds of offices exist in almost every European country. The PKK has
been questioning the stance of the US and why the US
characterized them as “terrorists”. Specifically, one member of PKK in Germany stated
that the “PKK is an armed autonomous movement. They are not a terrorist
organization in any case. The US
is aware that the Kurdish brothers in Iran and Syria live under miserable and
oppressive regime. In Turkey
the millions of Kurds live under pursuit and grand repression. There is no
other way rather than armed resistance. Our [alternative] attempts have been
exhausted during decades. Millions of Kurds live in abjection and they do not
receive even the essential human rights”. While keeping his anonymity, the PKK
member added: “The events that took place on November 9, 2005, in Şemdinli with the bomb
explosion in the book store ‘Vmut’, Gen. Mehmet Yaşar Büyükanıt statements on
the case, the use of chemical weapons on March ’06 in Muş, point to who the
terrorist is. Turkey!”
And he stressed: “The Albanians in Kosovo win their independence. Their armed
struggle against dictator Milošević is been vindicated! Our autonomist
struggle, of the quintuple Kurds and more is been characterized terrorist! The
West should understand that PKK defenses against the daily attacks simple Kurds
receive in south-east Turkey.
Thousand of villages have been flattening! Thousands refugees! We defend our
lives and the future of [a] million children”.
265,000-strong Turkish Army force which is spread along the borders of Iraq and Turkey seems to
have dealt with its organization problems and they have not managed to
successfully strike against the autonomist rebels of PKK in SE
Turkey.
commandos units of the Turkish Army have supplied their men with protection
masks for biochemical war. The protection masks are part of their personal kit.
Many military exercises are been held where the Turkish soldiers wear these
protection masks.
information has revealed in August 2006, that the Turkish General Staff (TAF)
was preparing for the invasion of northern Iraq at the beginning of September
2006, using 80,000 troops. The operations would, the sources said, be conducted
through four entrance points by land and air and in full cooperation with Iran. Iran from the
mid- August was to attack PEJAK and PKK in order to force them towards northern
Iraq.
Afterwards they would “seal” the borders with Turkey and N.
Iraq giving the chance to Turkey to strike them into their
bases. Until then Turkish forces will clean up the autonomists of PKK in SE Turkey, while the latter will try to move into their
bases in N. Iraq.
some question as to whether the August 2006, Iranian operations were being
conducted under the cover of the supposed training exercise, codenamed “The
Blow of Zolfaghar”.
expected that the Turkish forces would make use of the heavy firepower
available to it to finally annihilate PKK and destroy there bases and
infrastructure in N. Iraq; creating a “security belt” of six km (3.7 miles)
inside the borders of N. Iraq.
officials were expecting the advancements in Lebanon in order to follow the same
tactics. However, the two cases have big differences. The forces of HizbAllah
are different from those of the PKK.
believed that the Kurdish forces in N. Iraq
would assist the PKK if Turkey
invaded the area in a conventional sense. The mountainous and gnarled land of N. Iraq favors unorthodox warfare. Big
military formations cannot move. PKK bases number in the hundreds in the area,
and are located in caves and inapproachable gorges. The Turkish forces must use
helicopters. Operationally, it must be taken for granted that the Turks would
not be able to take by assault the Kurdish fighters who have moved into
positions and have “captured” all passages and strategic points. PKK and other
Kurdish forces, by late August 2006, were well-prepared to confront the Turkish
forces. PKK has already organized independent administration units, with great
autonomy of logistical support and activation. In the case of invasion, a central
operations command would not exist. Each division had a specific mission which
it understood perfectly. Historically, the PKK has proven that it understands
unorthodox war better than the Turks. At the same time, Turkey will
have to confront a resultant threat domestically and in urban areas within Turkey.
previous Turkish operations in N. Iraq and
from recent ones, it has been proven that conventional means and the weaponry
systems which the Turkish Army had used were not effective against PKK fighters
who have excelled in the use of the difficult terrain.
points to the fact that the Turkish Army may be determined to use biochemical
weapons in N. Iraq against the PKK because
other means would be insufficient, particularly against PKK strongholds in
caves.
political and military leadership in Turkey have reportedly agreed on
their actions against PKK, brushing aside there problems. They are testing US endurance
related to invading to N. Iraq which had been
clearly forbidden by the US.
The US
need the Kurds in northern Iraq
more than ever due to the unstable situation in the internal affairs in Iraq. The
developments in Middle East, in Iran and Syria, cannot
preclude the participation of PKK from the US plans because they are the only
ones that have forceful organized cells and armed units of high warrior values
in these countries, particularly as the US considers means to contain Iran from
strategic warfare against Israel.
Turkish and PKK forces from April to August 2006:
- From April 20, 2006, to May 10, 2006, the Turkish Army
undertook many rebel operations in southeast Turkey. Also, in cooperation
with Iran
they conducted Iranian-Turkish operations in northern Iraq (southern
Kurdistan). - The first invasion of Iran was
conducted on April 21, 2006, in the Iraqi town of Haj Omran, about 180
miles northeast of Baghdad, reaching five km (3.1 miles) into Iraqi
territory before the withdrew. The Iranian forces confronted the PEJAK
Kurds. On the same date, the Iranian artillery bombarded many Kurdish
villages. The small city Lulan received 180 shells. - On May 1, 2006, the Iranians lost 14
soldiers while falling into a PKK ambush. By way of retaliation, Iranian
artillery bombarded 10 villages in the province of Kalaa
Dazaa, 160 km (100 miles) north of
al-Sulaimaniya near the Iranian border. Intense bombarded was also noticed
in the villages of Razka, Jukhanki and Samawa. At the same time the
Turkish Army was conducting Operation Half Moon, using 200,000
soldiers in south-east Turkey
and northern Iraq.
- Intense battles were conducted in
the Mount Kadil between the Turkish Special
Forces and PKK rebels, with the participation of AH-1 Cobra and
UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters. Iranian Special Forces were
transferred by CH-47 Chinook helicopters in the north of M. Kadil
where they fought with PKK and PEJAK fighters. Iranian forces suffered
significant losses. - On April ,4, 2006, night
operation commandos was conducted by 120 men of “Bordo Bereli”, the
special unit for Special War operations of the Turkish Special Forces, in
the area of Cakarca reaching 19 km (12 miles) from the Turkish-Iraqi
borders. - The following days Turkish
offensive helicopters and the artillery attacked the small Kurdish cities
Amedi and Zaho. Intense bombarding and attacks followed in the areas of
Geliye, Pirbela, Sesdara, Seranis and Elanis. However, the results brought
by the Turkish-Iranian operations were not significant. Thought, they did
cause a wave of refugees as they did not separate military and political
targets. - Despite the presence of 265,000
Turkish soldiers and police forces in south-east Turkey,
PKK Kurds conducted many retaliation operations during the same period.
From May 13 to May 15,
2006, four Turkish soldiers were killed in the Şırnak Province, in south-eastern Anatolia. - On May 3, 2006, remote controlled mine
injured 11 Turkish soldiers in the Hakkari Province,
in the south-east corner of Turkey, located at the
juncture of Iraq
and Iran.
- On May 13, 2006, one bomb caused the death
of four Turks in the city of Beldeler
in the Erzincan
Province in the
eastern Anatolian region of Turkey. - During May 13-15, 2006, the Kurds
conducted 13 night attacks in Turkish army camps, with uncertain number of
causalities; though one Turkish soldier was killed by a mine in the Hakkari Province. Also, one train was
derailment by a PKK bomb during the train route Elazığ – Bingöl. - The common Turkish-Iranian
operations stopped on May
13, 2006. - On May 22, 2006, one non-commissioned
officer was killed in Diyarbakır
by a mine and one the same day PKK rebels attacked a Jendarma
(gendarmerie) station in the Bingöl
Province. - On May 24, 2006, the Kurdish organization
“The Hawks of Kurdistan” bombarded the major international airport in Istanbul, the Atatürk International Airport,
located in Yeşilköy, on the European side of the city. The merchandise
station of the airport and other facilities were destroyed and the airport
closed because the fuel tanks were to explode. - On May 25, 2006, a conflagration destroyed a
factory in Istanbul,
of Turkish military interests, by the use of a bomb by “The Hawks of
Kurdistan”. - On May 28, 2006, PKK rebels attacked on a Jendarma
station outside of Diyarbakır,
and they killed one non-commissioned officer, one policeman and three
Kurds – “Village Guards” (Kongra Guerillas) who were activated in the
area. - On May 29, 2006, two Turkish soldiers were
killed and two PKK fighters, during a battle between the Turkish army and
PKK in Şırnak. - On May 30, 2006, five men of the Turkish
Special Forces and three “Village Guards” were killed on a PKK ambush in
the Kelmehmet mountain region in Şırnak. - On June 1, 2006, Turkish artillery
forcefully attacked Kurdish villages in N. Iraq
causing the death of 13 villagers. The attack was conducted one day after
the inspection of the border of N. Iraq
by a team of US Army officials, under the command of a General. The US team
also visited a Kurdish refugee camp with 260 families whose houses had
been destroyed. - On June 2, 2006, two PKK rebels were killed
in the city Gen. - On June 4, 2006, a remote controlled bomb
was set off in the port
of Mersin wounding
16 Turkish citizens. The attack was conducted by “The Hawks of Kurdistan”.
- On June 5, 2006, two Turkish soldiers were
killed and eight were wounded during a battle between the Turkish Special
Forces and PKK rebels near the city of Bingöl. Later two offensive AH-1 Cobra
helicopters killed three PKK rebels. One of the AH-1 Cobra
helicopters received fire and was forced to land onto a closed motorway. - On June 6, 2006, two Turkish soldiers were
killed and two were wounded during PKK ambush in Şemdinli. Also, on the
same date one mini armored bus carrying Turkish officers exploded by PKK
mine in the city of Pülümür
in the Tunceli
Province in eastern Turkey.
The driver of the mini bus was killed. - On June 11, 2006, three Turkish soldiers
were killed in PKK ambush in the Tunceli Province.
- On June 12, 2006, two Turkish officers, two
Turkish soldiers and two political employees of MİT were killed and five
Turkish officers and eight Turkish soldiers were wounded in PKK ambush
again in the Tunceli
Province. On the
same date, in the district of Silvan in Diyarbakır two PKK fighters and one
Turkish soldier were killed. - On June 14, 2006, two PKK fighters were
killed in the Tunceli
Province. - On June 15, 2006, “The Hawks of Kurdistan” bombarded in the Eminönü district in Istanbul, a bus
station, wounding many citizens. - On June 16, 2006, PKK bomb in the city of Van destroyed the
military weather station of the Turkish army. - On June 17, 2006, one powerful PKK bomb
caused the derailment of a merchandise train the Muş Province
in eastern Turkey.
Eight out of 12 carriages were totally destroyed. The bomb exploded
through remote control. - On June 18, 2006, another three PKK rebels
were killed by the Turkish forces in the Tunceli Province.
One group of 13 PKK Kurds was attacked by forces in land and by four F-16s
and three AH-1 Cobras; 10 out of 13 managed to escape. - On June 21, 2006, 11 PKK rebels and four
Turkish soldiers were killed on an intense battle near the city of Çukurca in the Hakkari Province. Turkish aircraft and
helicopters were added during the battle. - On June 25, 2006, in the tourist area of Antalya, located on
the Gulf of Antalya on the Mediterranean coast
of Turkey,
a blast from a bomb caused the death of four and left 25 wounded. PKK
assumed responsibility. A meeting was held on the same area by the PM
Erdoğan caucus (The Justice and Development Party, Adalet ve Kalkınma
Partisi or AKP). - On July 5, 2006, a PKK bomb destroyed the
Government’s party offices (AKP) in the Kartal district of Istanbul. - On July 10, 2006, three PKK rebels were
killed in Hakkari
Province. - On July 11, 2006, three PKK rebels were
killed in Diyarbakır. - On July 12, 2006, one non-commissioned
officer, one policeman, and one Turkish soldier were killed during a
battle with PKK in the Isikli village of the Çukurca town in Hakkari Province. - On July 13, 2006, five Turkish soldiers were
killed and four wounded in Bingöl when their vehicle set off a PKK mine. - On July 14, 2006, another four Turkish
soldiers were killed and four wounded as a result of a mine in Bitlis Province in eastern Turkey. - On July 15-16, 2006, seven Turks and two
“Village Guards” were killed during an air-landing operation with the use
of four AH-1 Cobra helicopters. - On July 16, 2006, seven Turks were killed in
the Şırnak Province. Also, on Turkish
policeman was killed in the Özalp city of Van Province in eastern Turkey.
More, on Turkish soldier was killed and one policeman wounded during PKK
rebels incursion on a guard house in Bingöl. Also, in Bingöl Province
and specifically in Ucieka village one PKK Kurd was killed during the
battle. - On July 16, 2006, the Turkish Supreme
Anti-terrorist Board met unscheduled under the Presidency of Adbullah Gul.
- On July 17, 2006, the Turkish Cabinet
Council met unscheduled with the participations of the Turkish Supreme
Anti-terrorist Board, discussing PKK activities. PM Erdoğan announced Turkey’s
intension to invade into N. Iraq
(southern Kurdistan) provoking an intense
reaction from US Ambassador to Turkey Ross Wilson, and from the US
Government directly. - On July 18, 2006, two PKK Kurds were
arrested by Istanbul
police while they were preparing bombarding attacks. - During July 18 to July 25, 2006, PKK
Kurds and Turkish forces combated 18 times, although neither side reported
their causalities. Also, during the same period, 40,000 Turkish troops
were transferred, and PM Erdoğan spoke about the participation of NATO
troops against PKK and he threatened again for invading to N. Iraq, which caused the telephone interference by
US Pres. George W. Bush. - On July 27, 2006, the secret service of the Jendarma,
JITEM, suffered a significant loss. Through remote control, the car of the
commander in the Bingöl
Province was blown
up, killing Maj. Adil Karagöz and his driver. On July 12, 2006, PKK fighters had
killed MİT commander of the Batman
Province southeast
of Turkey.
- On July 28, 2006, six Turks were
seriously wounded in the city of İzmir, located on the Aegean Sea, when one
PKK bomb blast outside of the branch office of the Oyak9
bank which belongs to the Turkish Army. - On August 4, 2006, the Supreme Military
Board combed out 17 officers of the Turkish Army, charging them with
participating in Islamic organizations. PM Erdoğan was unhappy and
delivered his proviso for this decision. A few days earlier, on July 31, 2006, it was
announced abruptly and speedily the assignment of the Turkish Land Forces
Commander General Yaşar Büyükanıt as chief of the Turkish General Staff.
The promotion of Gen. Büyükanıt was realized through an unorthodox method
and outside normal legal procedures. This development aimed to “speak” to
the PKK of Turkey’s strong policies because Gen. Büyükanıt is considered
to be a tough anti-Kurd. Büyükanıt was the man behind Turkey’s
part in the Abdullah Öcalan arrest. - On August 4, 2006, the PKK responded to Gen.
Büyükanıt with bombardments and incursions in south-east Turkey. In
the city of Adana,
two bombs wounded 13 people and destroyed one branch office of the Oyak
Bank, four police cars and five police officers were wounded. A third
blast in Diyarbakır
city derailed 15 merchandise baggage cars. Tens police and military
stations in south-east Turkey
received small-scale attacks and gunshots from PKK rebels after the
conclusion of the meeting of the Turkish Supreme Military Board. - On August 6, 2006, four Turkish soldiers
were killed and five wounded on a PKK ambush in Gümüşhane Province.
Also, in Şırnak
Province one Turkish
officer, 38 years old was killed while his eight year-old son was wounded.
- On August 14, 2006, “The Haws of Kurdistan”
assumed responsibly for the bomb attack in Istanbul, in the tourist area of
Sultanahmet that is the heart of historic Old Istanbul, injuring three
citizens. The organization announced that the attack was accomplished in
“the name of freedom and honor” of the Kurdish population which lived in Turkey. - From August 20 to August 23, 2006, 90
forestlands were burned in Turkey
in 17 different tourist areas. Some of the fires were left to burn out of
control. “The Haws of Kurdistan” assumed responsibility for the fires
throughout Turkey.
- On August 20, 2006, Kurds started a fire in
the gas pipeline in northeast Turkey in the Ağrı Province that borders with Iran. The
pipeline comes from Iran
and, due to the fire, the gas flow stopped. - On August 24, 2006, one Turkish citizen and
two soldiers were wounded during the combat between the Turkish patrol and
PKK rebels near Bitlis city. In the same area, but in a different
incident, one villager was killed and two wounded. - Again on August 24, 2006, Turkish F-16
combat aircraft carried out air strikes in the Kanimasi and Snaht regions
in N. Iraq causing serious casualties
among PKK forces.
months of battles against the PKK Kurds by the 265,000-strong Turkish forces in
south-east Turkey
have not yielded any fruitful results. Also, the common Iranian-Turkish attacks
on the Kurds had almost zero results and caused much humanitarian causality.
However, it must be noted that in Mount
Kadil during the combat
with Iranian commandos one important member of PKK was injured. This was Murat
Karayılan, considered to be the successor of Abdullah Öcalan. Karayilan fought
in the front line and he was injured by the bombs delivered by Iranian
aircraft.
other hand, PKK was found to be very flexible and had increased its battle
strength. From their total attacks, the attack in the Istanbul airport caused damages of million of
dollars and the two assassinations of the commanders of JITEM and MİT in the
provinces of south-east Turkey
were considered to be successful.
Ambassador in Ankara Ross Wilson stated that “northern Iraq is not Lebanon”. The US supported
the resolution of the problem only through the cooperation of the US, Iraq, and Turkey. Turkey,
meanwhile, pressures the Iraqi Government to take measures and restrain PKK,
requesting immediate results.
delegation from the Kurdish Democratic Party, a close ally to the US, had visited
Ankara on August 4, 2006, and had
meetings with the Turkish General Staff, MİT, and Turkish officers. Iraqi
Vice-President Dr Barham Saleh had also attended the meetings. However, the
meetings were confidential and information was not published. One week prior to
the meetings, Kurdish President Jalal Talabani and the Iraqi Minister of
Foreign Affairs, Hoshiar Zebari, reassured Ankara that they would restrain PKK.
requested that Iraq
cease issuing passports for PKK members and Kurdish refugees coming from Turkey, by the
Federal Kurdish Government, and they also requested the closure of PKK offices
in Iraq
and the dismantling of PKK bases on Mount
Kadil.
Turkish General Staff intensively pressures Iraqi Pres. Talabani to deliver
Murat Karayılan to Turkey;
he was, as of late August 2006, being kept and guarded in a hospital in Arbil.
Gen. Büyükanıt himself said that “if you want to cooperate you must deliver
Karayilan”. Büyükanıt wants Karayilan as he is considered to be the tough man
of PKK and imprison him in the İmralı
Island together with A.
Öcalan, and he presents him as the leader of the Kurdish organization “The
Hawks of Kurdistan”. If the death penalty was delivered to the second in
command of A. Öcalan, the climate domestically in Turkey would be discharged because
many Turks consider betrayal the fact that A. Öcalan was not executed.
Moreover, Gen. Y. Büyükanıt would like to see his legacy showing him to be the
man who arrested the leadership of PKK. And it would appear that he was also
thinking of his future in politics.
expected to deliver a plan which would foresee the return of Kurdish refugees
and PKK guerillas to Turkey, and these would be distributed throughout the
country, apart from a team of 600 members of PKK; the future of those had not
been decided yet even though there is a suggestion to distribute them in
northern European countries and would be subsequently denied entrance to Iraq
and Turkey. TV and radio stations, newspapers, magazines and Internet media and
all media of PKK would be closed in Iraq and the PKK should be
recognized as an illegal organization in Iraq. Also, the plan foresaw tough
measures against the PKK, though these would be difficult to realize.
Generals have delivered their plan to the Iraqi Government and they have a time
limit; that is until the middle of September 2006. Otherwise, they have
threatened to invade into northern Iraq (southern Kurdistan).
The PKK has also seen the plan and has rejected it.
leader Zubeyir Aydar stated that “the problem will not be resolved on Mount Kadil,
but only through political means in Turkey that should give the final
solution to the Kurdish problem”.
circles of the Turkish military structure it is said that Iraqi Pres. Talabani
would deliver Murat Karayilan to Turkey to appease the situation.
However, this would provoke confrontations between PKK and Kurdish supporters
of Talabani in N. Iraq.
a close associate of Karayilan was murdered by “unknown” people in N. Iraq. He was a top member of the military structure of
PKK and his death created turbulence in the PKK. Members of the PKK considered
that Turcomen had murdered their associate in reprisal for the assassinations
of the two officers (JITEM and MİT). Others believe that Pres. Talabani’s men
killed him because of Pres. Talabani’s negotiations with Turkey to
extradite Murat Karayilan to Turkey.
Karayilan offered a conditional ceasefire to Turkey. Karayilan said that “we
respond to many requests by the Government of Kurdistan of Iraq and the other
Kurdish circles, and responding to the US State Department, we are ready to
observe a ceasefire and opt for a peaceful and democratic settlement to the
Kurdish issues in Turkey”.
Also, Karayilan said that “we are ready for a ceasefire on September 21
coinciding with World Peace Day. Turkey should be ready to respond
and flexible in this regard” he added. “We are aware that Turkey has
imperialistic and nationalistic ambitions and want to pressure the Iraqi Kurds
in charge. We are not prepared for their attack, but we are ready to defend.”
information has revealed that the Turkish General Staff had developed its own
chemical substance which had the code name “citric acid” and they were prepared
to use it again PKK in their cave on Mount
Kadil.
of Saddam Hussein and of his six associates that started on August 21, 2005,
and he is facing charges against the eradication of 100,000 Kurds between 1987
to 1988 using chemical weapons, woke the memories of the PKK Kurds who have
stated that they would retaliate very hard against Turkey if they dared to
invade into N. Iraq and made use of chemical weapons.
invasion of northern Iraq,
using chemical weapons, appeared — as of the end of August 2006 — almost
certain to be conducted in concert with Iranian military operations against the
Kurds. Significantly, these operations could occur under the overall strategic
distraction of broader military operations by Iran against Israel, and the
diversion operations conducted by further DPRK (North Korean) strategic weapons
tests.
Yaşar Büyükanıt, the commander of the Turkish Land Forces recently became the
Chief of the Turkish General Staff (as of August 30, 2006), replacing General
Hilmi Ozkok.
National Security Council: The present Turkish National Security Council is
composed of the prime minister, the chief of the General Staff, the ministers
of National Defense, Interior, and Foreign Affairs, and the commanders of the
branches of the armed forces and the gendarmerie. This body sets national
security policy and coordinates all activities related to mobilization and
defense.
Voice of Kurdistan, issue no 89, February- June 2006, written in Greek and
printed in Athens-Greece, by the member of PKK, Faruk Sarialtin.
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