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Ισραήλ , Παλαιστίνη 24 Ιουλίου 2014

Hamas, the first Palestinian army

Members of the Palestinian security forces loyal to Hamas take part in a
parade marking the fifth anniversary of the three-week offensive Israel
launched in 2008-2009, in Gaza City, Jan. 13, 2014. (photo by
REUTERS/Mohammed Salem)

In recent years, two narratives developed in Israel regarding its face-off against the Hamas movement.
According to the first one, Hamas is a terrorist organization and,
therefore, classic anti-terror tactics must be used to fight it. The
second narrative, formed after Hamas took over the Gaza Strip in 2007,
holds that Israel must create a balance of military and economic terror
against the organization and erect clear red lines. Only if those lines
are crossed by Hamas should Israel begin action to destroy the
organization.

In general, Israeli governments adopted relatively
restrained policies of containment vis-a-vis Hamas. The reason for this
was the assumption that should the Hamas regime be overturned militarily
or collapse economically, the alternative regimes in the Gaza Strip
could be much worse and much more dangerous to the security of Israel. Operation Protective Edge already proves that both narratives are no longer applicable.
The Hamas movement was founded six days after the eruption
of the first intifada at the end of 1987. The first terrorist acts of
the military wing were perpetrated by the “101 Unit” established in the
Jabaliya refugee camp in the Gaza Strip. Its people abducted and murdered Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers Avi Sasportas (February 1989) and Ilan Saadon (May 1989), and concealed their bodies.
Hamas’ terrorist acts became more deadly and murderous after the signing of the Oslo Accord between
Israel and the PLO in 1993. Hamas attempted to subvert the agreement
with terrorist attacks by suicide bombers. The height of suicide
terrorism was reached in the second intifada
in 2000, when the State of Israel was inundated by a wave of attacks
that were directed mainly against civilians. Hamas’ military wing then
adopted the suicide attack model of Hezbollah. Small, compartmentalized
terror cells acted independently to plan attacks and send terrorists to
blow themselves up in shopping centers and buses in Israel’s major
cities.
After the disengagement
from the Gaza Strip (August 2005), the movement underwent a strategic
change: From small terror cells, it developed into a real army. Hamas
became an organization of uniform wearers whose daily pursuit was
military; they were trained according to the doctrine of a recruited
army. They underwent weapons training and developed excellent military
skills, together with religious indoctrination to strengthen their faith
and adherence to the jihadist cause. Thus, in effect, Hamas created the
first Palestinian army.
It is believed that the Hamas army drafted between 15,000
and 20,000 men, divided into three geographic brigades in the north,
center and south of the Gaza Strip. At the same time, it also
established elite units for special, localized operations. During the
current Protective Edge operation, these units were tasked with
implementing the combat doctrine they had acquired throughout the years:
to infiltrate Israeli territory through underground tunnels and attack
army bases or civilian population centers. Each unit numbers between 10
and 15 fighters who know that their chances of surviving any such
military operation are very small. In effect, these are suicide
missions. Hundreds of Hamas soldiers were trained according to this
combat doctrine during recent years, mainly after the Pillar of Defense
operation and as part of the organization’s subsequent preparations for
the next round.
A Hamas unit that infiltrated Israeli territory July 21 near Kibbutz Nir Am succeeded in firing an anti-tank missile at an IDF jeep that killed Lt. Col. Dolev Keidar
(regiment commander of the IDF’s officer training school) and three
soldiers who traveled with him. The assault was documented by cameras
placed along the length of the border between Gaza and Israel; 10 armed
terrorists wearing uniforms similar to IDF uniforms, including helmets
and camouflage gear, were seen before they attacked the IDF jeep that
approached them.
This filmed ambush displayed the abilities and expertise of
Hamas fighters better than any propaganda video clip disseminated by
Hamas. The footage clearly demonstrates that the IDF does not face
terror cells this time, but a real army.
The two previous IDF operations in the Gaza Strip, Cast
Lead and Pillar of Defense, took Hamas by surprise. This time, the
organization painstakingly planned for this attack over years. In
contrast, the IDF did not appropriately assess the scope of the threat
of the underground tunnels.
We ask the question: Now that Hamas’ true dimensions and
magnitude are apparent, does Israel still believe that it is best to
endure the Hamas regime in Gaza as the lesser of evils? Is Hamas to be
preferred over the unknown entities that would take its place?
When Israel talks about the “unknown” — meaning the entity
that would take control of the Gaza Strip should Hamas be overturned or
fall apart, and about the new threats it would bring with it — it mainly
alludes to the Islamic State (IS). This Islamist organization
has already succeeded in conquering cities in Iraq, and apparently is
expanding to the Gaza Strip and to the Sinai Peninsula. It proclaims
that its goal is to establish an Islamic state from Iraq to Syria.
But how is a Hamas army different than the fanatical
organization that operates in Iraq? Both are fueled by religious belief
in martyrdom designed to sanctify Allah’s name, both have recruited
armies that are well trained and display excellent military skills.
Therefore, Israel should no longer view Hamas as the Gaza Strip’s de
facto, default rulers. How can other Salafist organizations in Gaza, in
addition to the Islamic Jihad and Popular Resistance Committees,
threaten Israel more than Hamas?
Hamas operates mainly according to the utterances made by
the members of the military wing. All of Gaza’s resources were mobilized
on behalf of exaggerated armament and incredible underground
protection. The IS cells, the Salafist organizations and Islamic Jihad
do not have access to such tremendous financial resources. While Hamas
has long been regarded as the default ruler of Gaza in Israel’ eyes,
that does not have to be true any longer. Israel did not appropriately assess
Hamas’ military abilities or, evidently, its intentions. Until the
eruption of the current operation, many in Israel estimated that Hamas
was in crisis and thus not interested in entering into conflict with
Israel at this time.
Any cease-fire that will be declared between Israel and
Hamas will be viewed as a victory by the Palestinian organization. Hamas
will view it as a respite for reorganization, reconstruction and
enlarging its recruited army for the next round of hostilities. Even
destruction of the tunnels, as effective as that may be, will not
destroy Hamas or its military wing. The Hamas command echelon, the heads
of the military wing and the commanders of the Hamas brigades are still
protected in their bunkers below Gaza, as are the leaders of the
political wing.
Anyone who thinks, or truly believes, that Hamas will agree
to demilitarize Gaza of its rockets is deluding himself. To dismantle
Hamas from rockets, it will be necessary to dismantle Hamas first.
But even if Israel still considers coming to terms with the
existence and presence of the Hamas army in the Gaza Strip, one thing
must be remembered: No other organization could be more violent or
hazardous to the state of Israel’s security than Hamas.

Shlomi Eldar is a columnist for Al-Monitor’s Israel
Pulse. For the past two decades, he has covered the Palestinian
Authority and especially the Gaza Strip for Israel’s Channels 1 and 10,
reporting on the emergence of Hamas. In 2007, he was awarded the Sokolov
Prize, Israel’s most important media award, for this work.

Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/07/hamas-terror-organization-recruit-army-gaza-is-idf-tunnels.html

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